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Cake day: June 14th, 2023

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  • Who cares if the arguments resemble one another? The underlying situations are what determine if the argument makes any sense.

    “I was afraid for my life” is a fine argument for firing back if someone pulls a gun and starts shooting at you. It’s ridiculous when it comes from a cop who opens fire on a kid with something in his hands.

    if ukranians want to stay independent russia should respect that

    The parts of Ukraine Russia controls right now were trying to break away from Ukraine before the war. And again, Russia is not trying to conquer Ukraine – the goal is to keep Ukraine out of NATO.


  • nobody can strip their right to resistance and the over 60k dead Palestinians responsibility lay exclusively on Israel

    Palestinians and Ukranians both have a right to resist attackers. I’m saying it’s sensible for Palestinians to do so (because their attacker has stated their intent to exterminate them, so it’s either fight or die), but not sensible for Ukrainians to do so (because their attacker just wants them not to join NATO, and because there is no realistic hope of the war turning around).

    As for who’s responsible for the deaths: Ukraine’s government almost immediately sold out their people when they (on the advice of Boris Johnson) backed out of ceasefire agreement they had tentatively agreed to in the opening weeks of the war. By choosing to use their people to fight a proxy war for NATO when there was an easy out on the table, they are partly responsible for the deaths of their people.

    Israel say that there is no Palestinians and all the land is our , Russia say that Ukrainians are just Russians that Ukraine was simply part of Russia .

    It cannot be overstated how completely different these situations are. Israel is trying to exterminate Palestinians. Russia does not want Ukraine to be part of a hostile, nuclear-armed military pact. Palestinians are fighting because otherwise Israel will kill them. Ukrainians are fighting because their coup government is having its strings pulled by NATO.

    I think Russia could have with economic pressure alone stop Ukraine from joining NATO

    They tried since 2014, and Ukraine still wouldn’t give it up (or keep their domestic fascist groups from attacking Russian speakers in Eastern Ukraine). It turns out Ukraine and NATO weren’t even negotiating in good faith, as Angela Merkel admitted about the Minsk II agreement.


  • There is the type who say palestinians should resist… They say if hamas never attacked

    If anyone says this, they don’t mean it, because it’s completely contradictory. They’re lying to you.

    I would like ukranians to stop dying but not by giving up part of their land

    There’s no future resolution to this war that leaves Ukraine with more land than they have today. Continuing the war just means it will end with less Ukranian land and less Ukranians.

    It’s unlike Palestine because Russia is not fighting a war of extermination and is not trying to drive residents from their homes. The people in the parts of pre-war Ukraine that Russia now controls aren’t being massacred or evicted; they are predominantly Russian speakers who had (to be charitable to Ukraine) legitimate grievances with the Ukranian government after the U.S.-backed coup in 2014.

    From the Ukrainian perspective, there is actually a benefit to a peace on Russia’s terms: Ukraine keeps more of its land and its people stop dying. There’s nothing to be gained by continuing the war because it isn’t going to turn around. This is again unlike Palestine, where peace on Israeli terms would involve at minimum the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, and where western public support for Israel has collapsed.








  • A major problem in the U.S. left is the habit of endlessly rehashing inter-leftist arguments that are not only from wildly different political contexts, but are also well over 100 years old.

    1. It’s hard to imagine a topic with less immediate relevance to working people today.
    2. Late-tsarist Russia (or interwar Germany) was so different than the U.S. in 2025 that you can draw exactly zero clean lessons from it. Every interesting takeaway must be couched in so many caveats that it loses most of its value.
    3. 99% of people who engage in these discussions have at best an undergraduate level knowledge of what Russia was like before the USSR and the transition to the latter. Nearly everyone is working from a patchy understanding of the facts.
    4. Nonsense in the form of “I didn’t like the historical XYZ group, and today’s ABC group is basically the XYZs all over again, so I can tell you with certainty what bad things today’s ABC group will do in the future” is inescapable.
    5. This is point 1 again, but can you imagine how out of touch you look getting into this stuff with some baby leftist who’s being radicalized by, say, the health insurance industry?

    Reading history is good. Reading theory is good. But this stuff isn’t scripture and can’t tell you how Zohran or someone will play out. We have to go figure that out ourselves. There’s a reason every successful leftist movement prominently involved its leaders writing new theory and guidance for their own specific circumstances.


  • Western marxists feel personally attacked for this position and end up rejecting it and discrediting it.

    This is certainly part of it, but there are at least three other reasons western marxists hold some reservations:

    1. Inside the imperial core, it’s often framed as essentially a defeatist position. If a leftist from the U.S. accepts the idea that pretty much everyone around them is inherently reactionary, what are they supposed to do? You can’t decide at the start that there’s no way to win.
    2. While the material conditions of a poor person in the imperial core are better than poor people in the imperial periphery, the imperial machine rarely ties its exploitation directly to that benefit. A key part of modern imperialism (especially in the U.S.) is denying that you’re an empire at all. When that’s combined with obscene inequality in the core, you have the basics for building class consciousness even if on paper your imperial working class is better off than working people in the rest of the world.
    3. It occasionally veers into determinist/essentialist arguments, which have all sorts of problems.

  • There hasn’t really been a labor aristocracy since the 1970s

    I think the primacy of the labor aristocracy (in the U.S., at least) has only really started to degrade much more recently. There was a fairly strong (though changing) economy in the 90s, the first dotcom boom, then the early tech boom, then the consolidation of the tech companies into 4-5 giants in the 2010s (after the Great Recession).

    Now that even those jobs are drying up, and now that multiple generations are seeing the twin crunch of that + the cost of living explosion (in education especially), you’re finally seeing widespread, lasting pessimism about the economic future.


  • Thays exactly correct. This part:

    As an example of one of his viral videos, he says legal systems for expropriating exist in NY, but that doesn’t matter much because he will either be blocked from his usage or the results will be reversed by the state.

    Is just that. You have to try those avenues for change and prove they don’t work, otherwise liberals will point to them and say you’re too radical. It’s harder to convince people you’re too radical when you tried to play by the rules and it got you nowhere. You have to exhaust every other option before a critical mass of people will get on board for revolutionary change.




  • His campaign’s equivocations around the question of Israel’s “right to exist,”

    This is such an obviously loaded question. If he were asked “when did you stop beating your wife,” would we hem and haw over the semantics of his answer, or would we recognize the question is bullshit and look at the guy’s more substantive statements on whatever issue we want to know about?

    He’s said Israel is indiscriminately killing civilians, that they have to follow international law, that Palestinians deserve equal rights, and he’s defended the slogan “globalize the intifada.” If you think he’s some closet zionist, you’re overthinking it.

    The enforced silences are cracking—not with revolutionary rupture, but with the slow, grinding attrition of imperial consensus. What once had to be hidden can now be tentatively named, even if symbolic concessions are also made. What once marked the outer edge of the acceptable is now folded—awkwardly, cautiously, but definitively—into the domain of the political.

    Can’t argue with any of this. It’s also notable how despite being a mayoral race, this is a big election – NYC had a larger population than all but about a dozen states.




  • Take, for example, his near-mantra that the Nazi war of extermination against the USSR was actually a colonial war. He repeats this throughout the book, giving the impression that fascism was created not to defend capital against socialism, but rather as a way of rescuing and perpetuating colonialism in a time where it was under threat. This is not the analysis of the communist movement historically.

    I’m not sure there’s a meaningful difference in these two views, and I think you could argue each position convincingly without dramatically changing what you take away from the discussion.

    Fascism is often defined as turning the super-exploitative mechanisms of imperialism inwards on the metropole. Nazi Germany famously incorporated practices of both British imperialism (concentration camps) and American imperialism (the concept of manifest destiny/lebenstraum, the exterminationist treatment of natives). Imperialism, being the “highest stage of capitalism,” can be reasonably compared to fascism, sometimes described as capitalism in (late-stage) decay. The Nazi party may have gained a lot of power early by latching on to anticommunism, but antisemitism was also one of their early policies, and they of course did not limit their violence to only communists. Similarly, the resistance to fascism (while driven primarily by communists) incorporated many other political groups in various popular fronts.